ISLAMABAD – The Makkah alliance has progressed from a political declaration to tangible cooperation in less than two months, although it is not yet a fully operational military alliance. On October 5, the Strategic Political and Defence Committee convened in Riyadh, deciding to implement collective defense commitments promptly.
The committee’s decision, however, is more limited than the attention it has garnered. The three member countries agreed to take measures to provide agreed military forces and capabilities, ensuring rapid deployment in Saudi Arabia, in accordance with their respective national legislations.
This urgency on Saudi Arabia’s part follows missile and drone attacks by Yemen’s Ansar Allah group, commonly referred to as the Houthis, targeting southern Saudi cities and energy facilities, including a strike on a power station in Madina that supports Masjid-i-Nabvi.
Simultaneously, the Aden-based Presidential Leadership Council announced a counteroffensive aimed at recovering territory from the Houthis along the Red Sea coast. While coalition air support bolstered government claims of recapturing Mocha and positions near Bab al Mandeb, these claims have yet to be independently verified.
Although the committee meeting and developments in Yemen occurred consecutively, they are politically intertwined. The committee’s statement notably did not reference Mocha, Bab al Mandeb, or operations within Yemen, nor did it mention the Houthis.
Since its establishment on August 7, the alliance has made significant strides. After an inaugural summit and a subsequent committee meeting in Istanbul, military chiefs from the three countries convened in Riyadh on September 25, agreeing on intelligence-sharing, military coordination, and capability integration, but not establishing a joint command.
The October 5 meeting further solidified the alliance, endorsing retired Lt Gen Nauman Mahmood as its first secretary general and placing him in charge of the Riyadh-based secretariat, while also authorizing the rapid deployment of previously agreed military forces.
Despite this progress, a standing assigned force, joint commander, publicly defined rules of engagement, and a published military doctrine remain absent. No public authorization exists for Pakistani or Turkish forces to engage in combat operations within Yemen.
Turkish officials confirmed to Reuters that Ankara is providing mainly defensive and technical support to Saudi Arabia, including military equipment and intelligence sharing, but has not deployed troops as part of the alliance thus far.
The alliance’s objectives remain obscure, raising essential questions regarding what constitutes a threat, the triggers for response, and the command structure for decision-making. The agreement implies a focus on armed attacks against a member’s security and sovereignty, especially protecting Makkah and Madinah. However, it lacks a public definition for attacks on military forces or diplomatic missions outside national borders.
Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar characterized the agreement as defensive in nature, with no offensive strategy intended. Defence Minister Khawaja Asif reiterated that Pakistani and Turkish forces would mostly play a supporting role while Saudi forces conduct combat operations. The meeting on October 5 emphasized deployments within the Kingdom rather than initiating a joint offensive.
Differences in expectations between Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and Turkey are apparent. Saudi Arabia seeks enhanced territorial protection and pressures on aggressors, while Pakistan aims to honor its commitments without entering another conflict in Yemen. Turkey is navigating its own political constraints while aspiring for a broader regional security role.
The agreement currently allows for defensive reinforcement within Saudi Arabia, without committing any forces to operations beyond its borders. Moreover, national legislation plays a crucial role; in Pakistan, any significant military role could provoke debates over previous resolutions on Yemen, while Turkey’s constitution demands parliamentary approval for troop deployments abroad.
The Makkah alliance also builds upon the pre-existing Pakistan-Saudi military relationship, as seen in the 2025 Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement that facilitated prior deployments in Saudi Arabia. As developments continue, the extent of actual military deployment and cooperation will be tested in the coming weeks, particularly concerning how far any Turkish or Pakistani support will extend into combat operations.
Finally, technical interoperability among the three countries’ military systems poses another challenge, as the different ecosystems and lack of integrated command structures currently hinder collaborative military efforts.
